Upper secondary school and pathway selection in the light of educational hierarchies and social stratification

Frjálst skólaval ýtir undir og endurskapar félagslega lagskiptingu

Abstract

Education policy in Iceland emphasises inclusive and comprehensive education for all. Upper secondary schooling is open to all students throughout their lifespan (Jón Torfi Jónasson & Gunnhildur Óskarsdóttir, 2016; mennta- og menningarmálaráðuneyti [Ministry of Education, Science and Culture, MoESC], 2012). However, schools set their own admission policies, and some schools are selective (Elsa Eiríksdóttir, 2022; Elsa Eiríksdóttir et al., 2018). Iceland is currently defined as one school district. Admission governance is based on freedom of choice in a decentralised educational system (Dovemark & Rasmussen, 2022; Elsa Eiríksdóttir et al., 2022). This fact means that upper secondary schools create admission policies based on their ability to compete for students. High-status schools are traditionally those that only offer academic programs preparing students for university, while comprehensive schools that include vocational programmes are considered less prestigious (Ásgerður Bergsdóttir & Berglind Rós Magnúsdóttir, 2018; Kristjana Stella Blöndal et al., 2011; Magnús Þorkelsson, 2011). The hierarchy of upper secondary pathways (academic or vocational) in Iceland clearly reflects the disparity of esteem seen elsewhere (i.e., Billett, 2014; Cedefop, 2014; Elsa Eiríksdóttir et al., 2018). Vocational pathways generally have a lower status than academic pathways that prepare students for university education and are often seen as a landing place for students with lower academic achievement (see Elsa Eiríksdóttir et al., 2018; Nylund et al., 2018).

The paper aims to explore how school and pathway selection perpetuate and reflect established hierarchies and social inequalities, especially as it relates to access to upper secondary education for different groups of students and their future prospects. In the study, the 13 upper secondary schools in the Reykjavik metropolitan area were categorised into two school types: Schools that offer only academic programmes and schools that offer both vocational and academic programmes. Systematic patterns in students’ school and pathway choices based on their social and economic background, academic achievement, and educational expectations were analysed. In this longitudinal cohort study, a questionnaire was first administered to all students at the end of compulsory education in the Reykjavik metropolitan area in 2014. Subsequently, data on their standardised grades and progress at upper secondary schools was collected and linked to the questionnaire data. The participants in the study were students of the baseline cohort who attended upper secondary schools the year following compulsory education (in autumn 2015) who participated in the survey at baseline in tenth grade (N = 1869 or 80% of the cohort).

The result shows a clear pattern of school hierarchies and social stratification between and within the 13 upper secondary schools in the Reykjavik metropolitan area. Upper secondary schools offering only academic pathways have a higher proportion of students with stronger socio-economic status and parents with university education compared to schools offering both academic and vocational programmes. The students in the academic schools also have higher academic achievements. They are more likely to see themselves attending universities in the future than students in schools that offer both vocational and academic programmes. The same pattern of results was also seen between the academic and vocational pathways within the schools that offered both programme types. Generally, the results reveal a clear hierarchy of upper secondary schools and pathways, where some schools attract and select high-achieving students with more educated parents with stronger socio-economic status, while other schools have a much more diverse student population. The results also reveal similar disparities between academic and vocational pathways.

This school and pathway hierarchy reflects a social stratification reinforced by the selection system and free school choice that, in practice, contradicts inclusion policy and highlights the different selection opportunities associated with socio-economic backgrounds (Berglind Rós Magnúsdóttir & Unnur Edda Garðarsdóttir, 2018; Dovemark & Nylund, 2022; Dovemark & Rasmussen, 2022; Elsa Eiríksdóttir et al., 2018; Kristjana Stella Blöndal & Sigrún Aðalbjarnardóttir, 2014). The tension between the actual admission structures and the educational policy can be traced to two contradictory ideas: on the one hand, the idea of inclusive education and, on the other, the ideology of decentralisation and free school choice. Mainly, students with high socioeconomic backgrounds and educated parents have, in fact, the option of choosing upper secondary schools and pathways. Other students are more likely to adjust their choices and prospects to fit this hierarchy. This result also means that only some schools are responsible for the diversity of the student population and upholding inclusion policies. The findings give rise to complex questions on social justice, the need for discussions on the aim of education, and how the admission structure and implementation can lead to results that oppose official education policy.